


x'^xi 












^^ cV ^ 















. •■ ♦ ♦ 



^ 



.?.> -<^ 



^^-n 







^ (^ 5) 



I WSIK^'?^-. 
















V . » ' * **" 'f> 



<;• 



1: 



4 it ^ 



• ♦^•v. 




*». •.?.?.* ,•> 



: %.A^ 






♦• '• ..f 







O M « 



-^0' 



,,.^,^ 






y 



„»»o^ O, 



W/!»; 









♦ -^^ 






V > • 



%. 






. * ' • 






9 « 







■^ \«l< 

^r^* ^ 






5)-^ ^'J?. 




: "^o v^ 



■^ <c^^^ 







P^ICE 25 CENTS, 



rHE CENTENNIAL ORATION 



DELIVERED BY 



CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW 

On the One Hundredth Anniversary of the Inauguration of 
George Washington as President of the United States. 



^ 



1789. 



^ 




^ 



1889. 



^ 



ALSO THE POEM 

"THE^ VOW OK WASHITsraTON," 

* BY JOHN G. WHITTIER. 

J. S. OGILVIE, PUBLISHER, 57 Rose St., New York ; 182 Wabash Ave., Chicago. 



THE RED COVER SERIES, No. 40. Issued Quarterly. Subsoiipliou riice, rjl.lil. per Vear. June, 1889. Estra. 

Entered at New York Post-Ollice as .Second-class matter. 



Ladies Home GompafiioD. 

A PRACTICAL HOUSEHOLD JOURNAL. 

Now in its 16th year, well established, tried and trne, as at- 
tested by a constituency of over Three Hundred Tliousand 
Readers. The publishers, desirous of extending its influenca 
into a half million homes, offer 

3 Months trial 

'°-^ Only 10 Gents 




Silver or 
StampSi 



10 cts. will secure 6 NUMBERS of 
this charming- periodical (all differ- 
ent), each copy equal in size, quality, 
amount of reading- matter, etc., to 
other illustrated papers that cost 10 
cents a copy, or $4.00 a year. 

The Ladies Home C'ompanion is beautifully 
illustrated, printed on line, cream-tinted 
paper, and has a more brilliant array of con- 
tributors than ever before, consisting of 

Eight Regular Editors and 
Scores ol Eminent Writers, 

Whose facile pens will furnish Short 
and Coiitiniietl Stories of absorbing 
interest, while all branches of house- 
hold economy that can possibly come 
within the good housewife's province 
will be ably treated. 

■PTJ A PTTr* A T This depart- 

jriXJ\\j±±\jAlj mentieawell- 

HOUSEKEEPING.Kr/s°u'gg?l: 

tions for every branch of housekeeping, in- 
cluding a large variety of tested recipes, and 
how to prepare them at the least expense, in 
dainty and appetizing forms ; also, hints for 
_ table decorations, methods of work, etc. 

T? A QTlf niilQ Or,'WHAT TO WEAR AND HOW TO MAKE IT. 
X XXOJiXXvrlv Oy Artistic illustrations and descriptions of, with the newest 
and latest Styles and Novelties in Ladies' and Children's Dresses, Hats, Bonnets 
and other gjtniients.witli directions that enable one to dress well mid economically. 
in A TM-pxr '\T[7'r|'R "LT These departments give elegant illustrations and 
J. a1« v> X W UXvJYt plain directions showing liow to make all kinds of 
TiTPm? ATTmVrQ fancy work, embroideries, needlework, crocheting, 
JjJLi\j\JJXJ\^l.\Ji\0» knitting, suggestions for ornamenting rooms, dec- 
orating furniture, curtains, etc. 

TVrn'TTn^'RQ fi"*i ^^^ portion devoted to them invaluable, and filled with a 
i".vrJL.*l-J-'-".« wide range of helpful suggestions obtained from practical ex- 
perience relating to a mother's duties. 

OCCUPATIONS FOR WOMEN. I!l^If::^l^Z^Xi^ 

in reference to those things that wives, mothers and single women are doing to earn 
money, while in all its departments it is the most complete, most readable and 

Most Fascinating Ladies Paper Publislied. 

ETIQUETTE at home and abroad, at the table and on the street, at public 
gatherings, etc. TOILiET.— Recipes and hints for care of liands, face, teeth, eyes, 
hair, etc., color and harmony in dress, etc DEPORTl^IENT. -Rules, ufcages 
and ceremonies of good society, letter writing, good manners, the art of con- 
versing well, accomplishments, home training. 

So popular have our publications become that more than a million people read them regularly. 

M.BH.. tw.„p,ape'^^^., LADIES HOME COMPANION, PMladelpUa, Pa. 



THE 



GEpEfflAL ORATIOfI 



DELIVERED BY 



^' 



CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW 

In front of the Suh-Treasiiry Building, Wall Street, 

New York, 

TUESDAY, APRIL 30, 1889, 

ON THE 

One Hundredth Anniversary of the Inauguration of George 
Washington as President of the United States. 

ALSO THE POEM 

*'Zhc IDow of Masbington/' 

BY JOHN G. WHITTIER, 
Wliich was Mead at the same time. 



.cV -^- 



CD/V(3, 



Copyright, 1889, by J. S. Ogilvie. / ..f-VRiGHT '*^'>S!f 



%.c 



•'■•"mimgTv 



1 CJ^S: 7 



J. S. OGILVIE, PUBLISHER, 

57 Rose Street, New York ; 182 Wabash Avenue, Chicago. 



THE FIRESIDE SERIES. 

UNIFORM IN STYLE AND PRICE WITH THIS BOOK. 

1. The Mohawks, by Miss M. E. Braddon. 

2. Lady Val worth's Diamonds, by the Duchess. 

3. A House Party, by Ouida. 

4. At Bay, by Mrs. Alexander. 

5. Adventures of an Old Maid, by Belle C. Greene. 

6. Vice Versa, by F. Anstey. 

7. In Prison and Out, by Hesba Stretton. 

8. A Broken Heart, by author of " DoraThorne." 

9. A False Vow, by author of '*Dora Thorne." 

10. Nancy Hartshorn at Chautauqua, by Nancy Harts- 

11. Beaton's Bargain, by Mrs. Alexander. (horn. 
13. Mrs. Hopkins on her Travels, by Mrs. Hopkins. 

13. A Guilty River, by Wilkie Colhns. 

14. By Woman's Wit, by Mrs. Alexander. 

15. " She," by H. Rider Haggard. 

16. The Witch's Head, by H. Rider Haggard. 

17. King Solomon's Mines, by H. Rider Haggard. 

18. "Jess," by H. Rider Haggard. 

19. The Merry Men, by R. L. Stevenson. 

20. Miss Jones' Quilting, by Josiah Allen's Wife. 

21. Secrets of Success, by J. W. Donovan. 

22. Drops of Blood, by Lily Curry. 

23. Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde. 

24. Dawn, by H. Rider Haggard. 

25. "Me." A companion to "She." 

26. East Lynne, by Mrs. Henry Wood. 

27. Allan Quartermain, by H. Rider Haggard. 

28. Brother Agamst Brother, by John R. Musick. 

29. A Modern Circe, by the Duchess. 

30 As in a Looking- Glass, by F. C. Philips. 
31. Paradise Almost lost, by D. B. Shaw. 
82. The Duchess, by the Duchess. 

33. In Thraldom, by Leon Mead. 

34. The Bad Bay and His Sister, by Benjamin Broadaxe. 

35. A Tale of Three Lions, by H. Rider Haggard. 

36. History of United States, by Emery E. Chiids. 

37. Mona's Choice, by Mrs. Alexander. 

38. One Traveler Returns, by David Christie Murray. 

39. "Cell 13," by Edwin H. Trafton. 

40. A Life Interest, by Mrs. Alexander. 

41. Natural Law in the Spiritual World, by Prof. H. Drummond. 

42. For his Brother's Sake, by the Avithor of "The Original 
Mr. Jacobs." This is a Double Number. Price, 50 cents. 

43. A Woman's Face, by Florence Warden, Author of "House 
on the Marsh," etc. 378 pages. 

44. Blunders of a Bashful Man, by Author of "A Bad Boy's Diary." 

45. Ninety -Nine Recitations and Readings, First Series. 

46. " " " Second Series. 

47. " " ** Third Series. 

48. " " " Fourth Series. 

49. " «* " Fifth Series. 

50. " " " Sixth Series. 

51. " " " Seventh Series. 

52. A Young Vagabond, by Z. R. Bennett. 



\ 



MR. DEPEW'S ORATION. 



He Reviews the History of the Revolution and 
Tells the Meaning of the Centennial Cele- 
bration. 

Mr. Depew wore a black skull-cap, specta- 
cles, a tightly-buttoned Prince-Albert coat, 
striped trousers and patent-leather shoes. His 
oratory was of a finished and graceful sort, and 
the theme had inspired him to the production 
of a literary masterpiece. He was imposing, 
and swayed the crowd within reach of his voice 
by his well-turned sentences and the thousands 
who could not hear by his gestures. The ora- 
tion was as follows : 

We celebrate to-day the centenary of our 
nationality. One hundred years ago the United 
States began their existence. The powers of 
government were assumed by the people of the 
Republic, and they became the sole source of 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 



authority. The solemn ceremonial of the first 
inauguration, the reverent oath of Washington, 
the acclaim of the multitude greeting their 
President, marked the most unique event of 
modern times in the development of free insti- 
tutions. 

The occasion was not an accident, but a re- 
sult. It was the culmination of the working 
out by mighty forces through many centuries of 
the problem of self-government. It was not 
the triumph of a system, the application of a 
theory, or the reduction to practice of the ab- 
stractions of philosophy. The time, the coun- 
try, the heredity and environment of the people, 
the folly of its enemies and the noble courage of 
its friends gave to liberty after ages of defeat, of 
trial, of experiment, of partial success and sub- 
stantial gains this immortal victory. 

Henceforth it had a refuge and recruiting- 
station. The oppressed found free homes in 
this favored land, and invisible armies marched 
from it by mail and telegraph, by speech and 
song, by precept and example, to regenerate the 
world. 

Puritans in New England, Dutchmen in New 
York, Catholics in Maryland, Huguenots in 
South Carolina had felt the fires of persecution 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 

and were wedded to religious liberty. They 
had been purified in the furnace, and in high 
debate and on bloody battlefields had learned 
to sacrifice all material interests and to peril 
their lives for human rights. The principles of 
constitutional government had been impressed 
upon them by hundreds of years of struggle, and 
for each principle they could point to the grave 
of an ancestor whose death attested the ferocity 
of the fight and the value of the concession 
wrung from arbitrary power. 

THE BENEFIT OF EXPERIENCE. 

They knew the limitations of authority, they 
could pledge their lives and fortunes to resist 
encroachments upon their rights, but it required 
the lesson of Indian massacres, the invasion of 
the armies of France from Canada, the tyranny 
of the British Crown, the seven years' war of 
the Revolution, and the five years of chaos of 
the Confederation to evolve the idea, upon 
which rest the power and permanency of the 
Republic, that liberty and union are one and in- 
separable. 

The traditions and experience of the colonists 
had made them alert to discover and quick to 



b THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 

resist any peril to their liberties. Above all 
things they feared and distrusted power. The 
town-meeting- and the Colonial Legislature gave 
them confidence in themselves and courage to 
check the royal governors. Their interests, 
hopes and affections were in their several com- 
monwealths, and each blow by the British Min- 
istry at their freedom, each attack upon their 
rights as Englishmen, weakened their love for 
the mother-land and intensified their hostility 
to the Crown. 

But the same causes which broke down their 
allegiance to the central government increased 
their confidence in their respective colonies, 
and their faith in liberty was largely dependent 
upon the maintenance of the sovereignty of 
their several States. The farmers' shot at Lex- 
ington echoed round the world ; the spirit which 
it awakened from its slumbers could do and 
dare and die, but it had not yet discovered the 
secret of the permanence and progress of free 
institutions. 

Patrick Henry thundered in the Virginia 
Convention, James Otis spoke with trumpet 
tongue and fervid eloquence for united action 
in Massachusetts; Hamilton, Jay and Clinton 
pledged New York to respond with men and 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 7 

money for the common cause, but their vision 
only saw a league of independent colonies. 
The veil was not yet drawn from before the 
vista of population and power, of empire and 
liberty, which would open with national union. 

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS. 

The Continental Congress partially grasped, 
but completely expressed, the central idea of 
the American Republic. More fully than any 
other body which ever assembled did it repre- 
sent the victories won from arbitrary power for 
human rights. In the new world it was the 
conservator of liberties secured through cen- 
turies of struggle in the old. Among the 
delegates were the descendants of the men who 
had stood in that brilliant array upon the field 
of Runymede, which wrested from King John 
Magna Charta, that great charter of liberty, to 
which Hallam in the nineteenth century bears 
witness " that all which had been since ob- 
tained is little more than as confirmation or 
commentary." 

There were the grandchildren of the states- 
men who had summoned Charles before Par- 
liament and compelled his assent to the petition 



8 THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 

of rights, which transferred power from the 
crown to the Commons and gave representative 
government to the English speaking race. And 
there w^ere those who had sprung from the iron 
soldiers who had fought and charged with 
Cromwell at Naseby and Dunbar and Marston 
Moor. Among its members were Huguenots, 
whose fathers had followed the white plunie 
of Henry of Navarre, and in an age of bigotry, 
intolerance and the deification of absolutism, 
had secured the great edict of religious liberty 
from, French despotism ; and who had become 
a people without a country, rather than sur- 
render their convictions and forswear their 
consciences. 

In this Conp-ress were those whose ancestors 
were the countrymen of William of Orange, 
the Bep:p-ars of the Sea, who had survived the 
cruelties of Alva and broken the yoke of proud 
Philip of Spain, and who had two centuries be- 
fore made a declaration of independence and 
formed a federal union which were models of 
freedom and strength. 

These men were not revolutionists, they were 
the heirs and the guardians of the priceless 
treasures of mankind. The British king and 
his Ministers were the revolutionists. They 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 



were reactionaries, seeking arbitrarily to turn 
back tlie hands upon the dial of time. A year 
of doubt and debate, the baptism of blood 
upon battlefields, where soldiers from every 
colony fought under a common standard and 
consolidated the Continental army, gradually 
lifted the soul and understanding of this im- 
mortal Congress to the sublime declaration : 

'' We, therefore, the Representatives of the 
United States of America, in General Congress 
assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of 
the world for the rectitude of our intentions, 
do, in the name and by the authority of the 
good people of these colonies, solemnly publish 
and declare that these United Colonies are, and 
of right ought to be, free and independent 
States." 

OUR FIRST BRAVE MEN. 

To this declaration John Hancock, proscribed 
and threatened with death, affixed a signature 
which has stood for a century like the pointers 
to the North Star in the firmament of freedom, 
and Charles Carroll, taunted that among many 
Carrolls he, the richest man in America, might 
escape, added description and identificatioa 



1 



10 THE CENTENNIAL OBATIONc 

with " of Carrollton." Benjamin Harrison, a 
delegate from Virginia, the ancestor of the dis- 
tinguished statesman and soldier who to-day so 
worthily fills the chair of Washington, voiced 
the unalterable determination and defiance of 
the Congress. He seized John Hancock, upon 
whose head a price was set, in his arms, and, 
placing him in the presidential chair, said : 

'' We will show Mother Britain how little we 
care for her by making our President a Massa- 
chusetts man, whom she has excluded from 
pardon by public proclamation ;" and when they 
were signing the Declaration, and the slender 
Elbridge Gerry uttered the grim pleasantry, 
'' We must hang together or surely we will 
hang separately," the portly Harrison responded 
with the more daring humor, '' It will be all over 
with me in a moment, but you will be kicking 
in the air half an hour after I am gone." 

Thus flashed athwart the great Charter, 
which was to be for its signers a death warrant 
or a diploma of immortality, as with firm hand, 
high purpose, and undaunted resolution they 
subscribed their names, this mockery of fear 
and the penalties of treason. 

The grand central idea of the Declaration of 
Independence was the sovereignty of the people. 



THE CENTENNIAL OKATION. 11 

It relied for original power, not upon States or 
colonies, or their citizens as such, but recog- 
nized as the authority for nationality the revo- 
lutionary rights of the people of the United 
States. It stated with marvelous clearness the 
encroachments upon liberties which threatened 
their suppression and justified revolt, but it was 
inspired by the very genius of freedom, and the 
prophetic possibilities of united commonwealths 
covering the continent in one harmonious re- 
public, when it made the people of the thirteen 
colonies all Americans and devolved upon them 
to administer by themselves and for themselves 
the prerogatives and powers wrested from 
Crown and Parliament. 

It condensed Magna Charta, the petition of 
rights, the great body of English liberties em- 
bodied in the common law and accumulated in 
the decision of the courts, the statutes of the 
realm, and an undisputed though unwritten 
constitution ; but this original principle and 
dynamite force of the people's power sprang 
from these old seeds planted in the virgin soil 
of the new world. 



12 THE CENTENNIAL OKATION. 



JEFFERSON S FAITH IN THE PEOPLE. 

More clearly than any statesman of the pe- 
riod did Thomas Jefferson grasp and divine 
possibilities of popular government. He 
caught and crystallized the spirit of free institu- 
tions. His philosophical mind was singularly 
free from the power of precedents or the 
chains of prejudice. He had an unquestion- 
ing and abiding faith in the people, which was 
accepted by but few of his compatriots. Upon 
his famous axiom, of the equality of all men 
before the law, he constructed his system. 

It was the triphammer essential for the 
emergency to break the links binding the Col- 
onies to imperial authority, and to pulverize 
the privileges of caste. It inspired him to 
write the Declaration of Independence, and 
persuaded him to doubt the wisdom of the 
powers concentrated in the Constitution. In 
his passionate love of liberty he became in- 
tensely jealous of authority. He destroyed 
the substance of royal prerogative, but never 
emerged from its shadow. He would have 
the States as the guardians of popular rights, 
and the barriers against centralization ; and he 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 13 

saw in the growing power of the nation ever 
increasing encroachments upon the rights of 
the people. 

For the success of the pure democracy which 
must precede Presidents and Cabinets and 
Congresses, it was perhaps providential that its 
apostle never believed a great people could 
grant and still retain, could give and at will re- 
claim, could delegate and yet firmly hold the 
authority which ultimately created the power 
of their republic and enlarged the scope of 
their own liberty. 

Where this master mind halted all stood 
still. The necessity for a permanent union 
was apparent, but each State must have hold 
upon the bowstring which encircled its throat. 
It was admitted that union gave the machinery 
required to successfully fight the common en- 
emy, but yet there was fear that it might be- 
come a Frankenstein and destroy its creators. 

Thus patriotism and fear, difficulties of com- 
munication between distant communities, and 
the intense growth of provincial pride and in- 
terest, led this Congress to frame the Articles 
of Confederation, happily termed the League 
of Friendship. The result was not a govern- 
ment, but a ghost. By this scheme the Amer- 



14 THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 

ican people were ignored and the Declaration 
of Independence reversed. The States, by 
their Legislatures, elected delegates to Con- 
gress, and the delegate represented the sover- 
eignty of his commonwealth. 

All the States had an equal voice without 
regard to their size or population. It required 
the vote of nine States to pass any bill, and 
five could block the wheels of government. 
Congress had none of the powers essential to 
sovereignty. It could neither levy taxes nor 
impose duties nor collect excise. For the sup- 
port of the army and navy, for the purposes of 
war, for the preservation of its own functions, 
it could only call upon the States, but it pos- 
sessed no power to enforce its demands. It 
had no president or executive authority, no 
Supreme Court with general jurisdiction and 
no national power. Each of the thirteen 
States had seaports and levied discriminating 
duties against the others, and could also tax 
and thus prohibit interstate commerce across 
its territory. 



TBt:fe: CENTEK^NIAL OEATION. 15 



HOW FREEDOM WAS GAINED. 

Had the Confederation been a union instead 
of a league, it could have raised and equipped 
three times the number of men contributed by 
reluctant States, and conquered independence 
without foreign assistance. This paralyzed 
government, without strength, because it could 
not only enforce its decrees ; without credit, 
because it could pledge nothing for the pay- 
ment of its debts ; without respect, because 
without inherent authority ; would, by its fee- 
ble life and early death, have added to the 
other historic tragedies which have in many 
lands marked the suppression of freedom, had 
it not been saved by the intelligent, inherited 
and invincible understanding of liberty by the 
people, and the genius and patriotism of their 
leaders. 

But, while the perils of war had given tem- 
porary strength to the Confederation, peace 
developed its fatal weakness. It derived no 
authority from the people, and could not appeal 
to them. Anarchy threatened its existence at 
home, and contempt met its representatives 
abroad. 



16 THE CENTENNIAL OEATION. 

*' Can you fulfill or enforce the obligations 
of the treaty on your part if we sign one with 
you?" was the sneer of the courts of the old 
world to our embassadors. Some States gave 
a half-hearted support to its demands ; others 
defied them. The loss of public credit was 
speedily followed by universal bankruptcy. 
The wildest fantasies assumed the force of se- 
rious measures for the relief of the general dis- 
tress. States passed exclusive and hostile laws 
against each other, and riot and disorder 
threatened the disintegration of society. 

" Our stock is stolen, our houses are plun- 
dered, our farms are raided," cried a delegate 
in the Massachusetts convention ; '' despotism 
is better than anarchy !" To raise $4,000,000 
a year was beyond the resources of the govern- 
ment, and $300,000 was the limit of the loan 
it could secure from the money lenders of Eu- 
rope. Even Washington exclaimed in despair : 

" I see one head gradually changing into 
thirteen ; I see one army gradually branching 
into thirteen, which, instead of looking up to 
Congress as the supreme controlling power, are 
considering themselves as depending on their 
respective States." And later, when independ- 
ence had been won, the impotency of the gov- 



THE CEJS^TENNIAL OliATION. It 

ernment wrung from him the exclamation : 
'' After gloriously and successfully contending 
against the usurpation of Great Britain, we 
may fall a prey to our own folly and disputes." 

THE ARCHITECTS OF FREEDOM. 

But even through this Cimmerian darkness 
shot a flame which illumined the coming cent- 
ury, and j^ept bright the beacon-fires of liberty. 
The architects of constitutional freedom formed 
their institutions with wisdom which forecasted 
the future. They may not have understood at 
first the whole truth, but, for that which they 
knew, they had the martyrs' spirit and the cru- 
saders' enthusiasm. 

Though the confederation was a government 
of checks without balances, and of purpose 
without power, the statesmen who guided it 
demonstrated often the resistless force of great 
souls animated by the purest patriotism, and 
united in judgment and effort to promote the 
common good, by lofty appeals and high reason- 
ning, to elevate the masses above local greed 
and apparent self-interest to their own broad 
plane. 

The most significant triumph of these moral 



IB THE CENTENNIAL OEATIOJ^. 

and intellectual forces was that which secured 
the assent of the States to the limitation of 
their boundaries, to the grant of the wilderness 
bevond them to the o-eneral o^overnment and to 
the insertion in the ordinance erecting the 
Northwest Territories, of the immortal /r^'^^/i-^' 
prohibiting ''slavery or involuntary servitude" 
within all that broad domain. The States 
carved out of this splendid concession were not 
sovereignties which had successfully rebelled, 
but they were the children of the Union, born 
of the covenant and thrilled with its life and 
liberty. They became the bulwarks of nation- 
ality and the buttresses of freedom. Their 
prepondering strength first checked and then 
broke the slave power, their fervid loyalty 
halted and held at bay the spirit of State rights 
and secession for generations ; and when the 
crisis came, it was with their overwhelming 
assistance that the nation killed and buried its 
enemy. 

The corner-stone of the edifice whose cen- 
tena.ry we are celebrating was the ordinance of 
1787. It was constructed by the feeblest of 
Congresses, but few enactments of ancient or 
modern times have had more far-reaching and 
beneficent influence. It is one of the sub- 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 19 

limest paradoxes of history that this weak 
Confederation of States should have welded 
the chain against which, after seventy-four 
years of fretful efforts for release, its own spirit 
frantically dashed and died. 

The government of the Republic by a Con- 
gress of States, a diplomatic convention of the 
embassadors of petty commonwealths, after 
seven years' trial, was falling asunder. Threat- 
ened with civil war among its members, insur- 
rection and lawlessness rife within the States, 
foreim commerce ruined and internal trade 
paralyzed, its currency worthless, its merchants 
bankrupt, its farms mortgaged, its markets 
closed, its labor unemployed, it was like a help- 
less wreck upon the ocean, tossed about by the 
tides and ready to be engulfed in the storm. 

UPRISING OF PATRIOTISM. 

Washington gave the warning and called for 
action. It was a voice accustomed to com- 
mand, but now entreating. The veterans of 
the war and the statesmen of the Revolution 
stepped to the front. The patriotism which 
had been misled, but had never faltered, rose 
above the interests of States and the jealousies 



20 THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 

of jarring confederates to find the basis for 
union. 

'* It is clear to me as A, B, C," said Wash- 
ington, ''that an extension of federal powers 
would make us one of the most happy, wealthy, 
respectable and powerful nations that ever in- 
habited the terrestrial globe. Without them 
we shall be everything which is the direct re- 
verse. I predict the worst consequences from 
a haif-starved, limping government, always 
moving upon crutches, and tottering at every 
step." 

The response of the country was the conven- 
tion of 1787, at Philadelphia. The Declara- 
tion of Independence was but the vestibule 
of the temple which this illustrious assembly 
erected. With no successful precedents to 
guide, it auspiciously worked out the problem 
of constitutional government, and of imperial 
power and home rule, supplementing each 
other in promoting the grandeur of the nation, 
and preserving the liberty of the individual. 

The deliberations of great councils have vi- 
tally affected, at different periods, the history 
of the world and the fate of empires ; but this 
Congress builded, upon popular sovereignty, 
institutions broad enough to embrace the con- 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 21 

tinent, and elastic enough to fit all conditions 
of race and traditions. The experience of a 
hundred years has demonstrated for us the per- 
fection of the work, for defence against foreign 
foes, and for self-preservation against domestic 
insurrection, for limitless expansion in popula- 
tion and material development, and for steady 
growth in intellectual freedom and force. Its 
continuing influence upon the welfare and des- 
tiny of the human race can only be measured by 
the capacity of man to cultivate and enjoy 
the boundless opportunities of liberty and law. 
The eloquent characterization of Mr. Gladstone 
condenses its merits : **The American Consti- 
tution is the most wonderful work ever struck 
off at a given time by the brain and purpose of 
man." 

The statesmen who composed this great 
Senate were equal to their trust. Their con- 
clusions were the results of calm debate and 
wise concession. Their character and abilities 
were so pure and great as to command the con- 
fidence of the country for the reversal of the 
policy of the independence of the State of the 
power of the general government, which had 
hitherto been the invariable practice and almost 



2'Z THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 

universal opinion, and for the adoption of the 
idea of the nation and its supremacy. 



Washington's chief advisers. 



Towering in majesty and influence above 
them all stood Washington, their President. 
Beside him was the venerable Franklin, who, 
though 8 1 years of age, brought to the delib- 
erations of the convention the unimpaired vigor 
and resources of the wisest brain, the most 
hopeful philosophy and the largest experience 
of the times ; Oliver Ellsworth, afterward 
Chief Justice of the United States and the 
profoundest jurist in the country ; Robert 
Morris, the wonderful financier of the Revolu- 
tion, and Gouverneur Morris, the most versatile 
genius of his period ; Roger Sherman, one of 
the most eminent of the signers of the Declara- 
tion of Independence, and John Rutledge, 
Rufus King, Elbridge Gerry, Edmund Ran- 
dolph and the Pinckneys, were leaders of un- 
equalled patriotism, courage, ability, and learn- 
ing ; while Alexander Hamilton and James 
Madison, as original thinkers and constructive 
statesmen, rank among the immortal few whose 



THE CENTENNIAL OKATION. , 23 

opinions have for ages guided Ministers of State 
and determined the destinies of nations. 

This great convention keenly felt, and with 
devout and serene intelligence met, its tre- 
mendous responsibilities. It had the moral 
support of the few whose aspirations for liberty 
had been inspired or renewed by the triumph 
of the American Revolution and the active 
hostility of every government in the world. 

There were no examples to follow, and the 
experience of its members led part of them to 
lean toward absolute centralization as the only 
refuge from the anarchy of the Confederation, 
while the rest clung to the sovereignty of the 
States, for fear that the concentration of power 
would end in the absorption of liberty. The 
large States did not want to surrender the ad- 
vantage of their position, and the smaller States 
saw the danger to their existence. The leagues 
of the Greek cities had ended in loss of free- 
dom, tyranny, conquest and destruction. Ro- 
man conquest and assimilation had strewn the 
shores of time with the wrecks of empires, 
and plunged civilization into the perils and 
horrors of the dark ages. The government 
of Cromwell was the isolated power of the 
mightiest man of his age, without popular 




24 THE CENTENNIAL OEATION. 

authority to fill his place or the hereditary 
principle to protect his successor. The past 
furnished no light for our State builders ; the 
present was full of doubt and despair. The 
future, the experiment of self-government, the 
perpetuity and development of freedom, almost 
the destiny of mankind, was in their hands. 

SUPREME FORCE AND MAJESTIC SENSE. 

At this crisis the courage and confidence 
needed to originate a system w^eakened. The 
temporizing spirit of compromise seized the 
convention with the alluring proposition of not 
proceeding faster than the people could be 
educated to follow. The cry : *' Let us not 
waste our labor upon conclusions which will 
not be adopted, but amend and adjourn," was 
assuming startling unanimity. But the supreme 
force and majestic sense of Washington brought 
the assemblage to the lofty plane of its duty 
and opportunity. He said : 

*' It is too probable that no plan we propose 
will be adopted. Perhaps another dreadful con- 
flict is to be sustained. If to please the people 
we offer what we ourselves disapprove, how can 
\we afterward defend our work ? Let us raise a 
Standard to which the wise and honest can re- 
pair ; the event is in the hands of God." '' I 

\ 



THE CENTENNIAL OKATION. 25 

am the State," said Louis XIV., but his Hne 
ended in the grave of absolutism. '' Forty 
centuries look down upon you," was Napoleon's 
address to his army in the shadow of the Pyra- 
mids, but his soldiers saw only the dream of 
Eastern empire vanish in blood. Statesmen 
and parliamentary leaders have sunk into ob- 
livion or led their party to defeat by surrender- 
ing their convictions to the passing passions of 
the hour, but Washington in this immortal 
speech struck the keynote of representative 
obligation and propounded the fundamental 
principle of the purity and perpetuity of consti- 
tutional government. 

Freed from the limitations of its environment, 
and the question of the adoption of its work, 
the convention erected its government upon 
the eternal foundations of the power of the 
people. It dismissed the delusive theory of a 
compact between independent States, and de- 
rived national power from the people of the 
United States. It broke up the machinery of 
the Confederation and put in practical operation 
the glittering generalities of the Declaration of 
Independence. From chaos came order, from 
insecurity came safety, from disintegration and 
civil war cam.e law and liberty, with the prin- 



26 THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 

ciple proclaimed in the preamble of the great 
charter, " We, the people of the United States, 
in order to form a more perfect union, establish 
justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for 
the common defense, promote the general wel- 
fare, and secure the blessings of liberty to our- 
selves and our posterity, do ordain and estab- 
lish this constitution for the United States." 



WISDOM INSPIRED BY GOD. 

With a wisdom inspired of God, to work 
out upon this continent the liberty of man, 
they solved the problem of the ages by blend- 
ing and yet preserving local self-government 
with national authority, and the rights of the 
States with the majesty and power of the 
Republic. The government of the States, 
under the Articles of Confederation, became 
bankrupt because it could not raise four mil- 
lions of dollars ; the government of the Union, 
under the Constitution of the United States, 
raised six thousand millions of dollars, its 
credit growing firmer as its power and re- 
sources were demonstrated. The Congress of 
the Confederation fled from a regiment, which 
it could not pay ; the Congress of the Union 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 2? 



• 



reviewed the comrades of a million of its 
victorious soldiers, saluting as they marched 
the flag of the nation, whose supremacy they 
had sustained. The promises of the Confeder- 
acy were the scoff of its States ; the pledge of 
the Republic was the honor of its people. 

The Constitution, which was to be strength- 
ened by the strain of a century, to be a mighty 
conqueror without a subject province, to trium- 
phantly survive the greatest of civil wars 
without the confiscation of an estate or the 
execution of a political offender, to create and 
grant home rule and State sovereignty to 
twenty-nine additional commonwealths, and 
yet enlarge its scope and broaden its power, 
and to make the name of an American citizen 
a title of honor throughout the world, came 
complete from this great convention to the 
people for adoption. 

As Flancock rose from his seat in the old 
Congress, eleven years before, to sign the 
Declaration of Independence, Franklin saw 
emblazoned on the back of the President's 
chair the sun partly above the horizon, but it 
seemed setting in a blood-red sky. During 
the seven years of the Confederation he had 
gathered no hope from the glittering emblem, 



28 THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 

but now as with clear vision he beheld fixed 
upon eternal foundations the enduring struc- 
ture of constitutional liberty, pointing to the 
sign, he forgot his 82 years, and with the 
enthusiasm of youth electrified the convention 
with the declaration : " Now I know that it is 
the risinor sun." 

The pride of the States and the ambition of 
their leaders, sectional jealousies, and the over- 
whelming distrust of centralized power, were 
all arrayed against the adoption of the Consti- 
tution. North Carolina and Rhode Island 
refused to join the Union until long after 
Washington's inauguration. For months New 
York was debatable ground. Her territory 
extending from the sea to the lakes made her 
the keystone of the arch. Had Arnold's 
treason in the Revolution not been foiled by 
the capture of Andre, England would have 
held New York and subjugated the colonies, 
and in this crisis, unless New York assented, 
a hostile and powerful commonwealth dividing 
the States, made the Union impossible. 



THE Centennial oration. ^9 



CAUSES OF SUCCESS. 

Success was due to confidence in Washing:- 
ton and the genius of Alexander Hamilton. 
Jefferson was the inspiration of independence, 
but Hamilton was the incarnation of the Con- 
stitution. In no age or country has there 
appeared a more precocious or amazing in- 
telligence than Hamilton. At 17 he annihila- 
ted the president of his college, upon the 
question of the rights of the Colonies, in a 
series of anonymous articles which were credited 
to the ablest men in the country ; at 47, when 
he died, his briefs had become the law of the 
land, and his fiscal system was, and after a 
hundred years remains, the rule and policy of 
our government. 

He gave life to the corpse of national credit, 
and the strength for self-preservation and ag- 
gressive power to the federal Union. Both as 
an expounder of the principles and an adminis- 
trator of the affairs of government he stands 
supreme and unrivalled in American history. 
His eloquence was so magnetic, his language 
so clear, and his reasoning so irresistible, that 
he swayed with equal ease popular assembhes, 



'■* 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 



grave senates, and learned judges. He cap- 
tured the people of the whole country for the 
Constitution by his papers in the Fedei^alist, 
and conquered the hostile majority in the New 
York convention by thesplendor of his oratory. 
But the multitudes whom no argument 
could convince, who saw in the executive 
power and centraHzed force of the Constitution, 
under another name, and dreaded usurpation 
of king and Ministry, were satisfied only with 
the assurance, "■ Washington will be President." 
"Good !" cried John Lamb, the able leader of 
the Sons of Liberty, as he dropped his opposi- 
tion '' for to no other mortal would I trust 
lauthority so enormous." 

\ "■ Washington will be President," was the 
battle cry of the Constitution. It quieted 
alarm and gave confidence to the timid and 
courage to the weak. The country responded 
with enthusiastic unanimity, but the chief with 
t'.ie greatest reluctance. Li the supreme mo- 
ment of victory when the world expected him 
to follow the precedents of the past, and per- 
petuate the power a grateful country would 
willingly have left in his hands, he had resigned 
and retired to Mt. Vernon to enjoy in private 
station his well-earned rest. 



THE CENTENNIAL OEATION. 31 

The convention created by his exertions to 
prevent, as he said, " the decline of our federal 
dio^nitv into insis^nificant and wretched fraof- 
ments of empire," had called him to preside 
over its deliberations. Its work made possible 
the realization of his hope that '' we might sur- 
vive as an independent republic," and 'again he 
sought the seclusion of his home. But, after 
the triumph of the war and the formation of 
the Constitution, came the third and final crisis 
— the initial movements of government which 
were to teach the infant State the steadier 
steps of empire. 

Washington's modesty. 

He alone could stay assault and inspire con- 
fidence while the great and complicated machi- 
nery of organized government was put in order 
and set in motion. Doubt existed nowhere 
except in his modest and unambitious heart. 
'* My movements to the chair of government," 
he said, '* w411 be accompanied by feelings not 
unlike those of a culprit who is going to the 
place of his execution. So unwilling am I, in 
the evening of life, nearly consumed in public 
cares, to quit a peaceful abode for an ocean of 



32 THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 

difficulties, without that competency of political 
skill, abilities, and inclination which are neces- 
sary to manage the helm." 

His whole life had been spent in repeated 
sacrifices for his country's welfare, and he did 
not hesitate now, though there is an undertone 
of inexpressible sadness in this entry in his 
diary on the night of his departure. ''About 
lo o'clock I bade adieu to Mt. Vernon, to 
private life and to domestic felicity, and with a 
mind oppressed with more anxious and painful 
sensations than I have words to express. set out 
for New York with the best disposition to 
render service to my country in obedience to 
its call, but with less hope of answering its ex- 
pectations." 

No conqueror was ever accorded such a tri- 
umph, no ruler ever received such a welcome. 
In this memorable march of six days to the 
capital, it was the pride of States to accompany 
him with the masses of their people to their 
borders, that the citizens of the next common- 
wealth might escort him through its territory. 
It was the glory of cities to receive him with 
every civic honor at their gates, and entertain 
him as the savior of their liberties. He rode 
under triumphal arches from which children 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 33 

lowered laurel wreaths upon his brov/. The 
roadways were strewn with flowers, and as they 
were crushed beneath his horse's hoofs, their 
sweet incense wafted to heaven the ever ascend- 
ing prayers of his loving countrymen for his 
life and safety. The swelling anthem of grati- 
tude and reverence greeted and followed him 
along the country side and through the crowded 
streets: '' Long live George Washington! Long 
live the father of his people!" 

HIS RECEPTION IN NEW YORK. 

His entry into New York was worthy of the 
city and State. He was met by the chief of- 
ficers of the retiring government of the country, 
by the Governor of the Commonwealth, and 
the whole population. This superb harbor was 
alive with fleets and flags, and the ships of other 
nations with salutes from their guns and the 
cheers of their crews added to the joyous ac- 
claim. But as the captains who had asked the 
privilege, bending proudly to their oars, rowed 
the President's barge swiftly through these in- 
spiring scenes, Washington's mind and heart 
were full of reminiscence and foreboding. 

He had visited New York thirty-three years 



S4 I'HE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 

before, also in the month of April, in the full 
perfection of his early manhood, fresh from 
Braddock's bloody field, and wearing the only 
laurels of the battle, bearing the prophetic 
blessing of the venerable President Davies of 
Princeton College, as: ''That heroic youth,. 
Colonel Washington, whom I cannot but hope 
Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal 
a manner for some important service to the 
country." It was a fair daughter of our State 
whose smiles allured him here, and whose coy 
confession that her heart was another's recorded 
his only failure, and saddened his departure. 

Twenty years passed, and he stood before 
the New York Congress, on this very spot, the 
unanimously chosen commander in chief of the 
Continental army, urging the people to more 
vigorous measures, and made painfully aware 
of the increased desperation of the struggle 
from the aid to be given to the enemy by 
domestic sympathizers, when he knew that the 
same local military company which escorted 
him was to perform the like service for the 
British Governor Tryon on his landing on the 
morrow. 

Returning for the defence of the city the next 
summer he executed the retreat from Long 



THE CENTENNIAL OUATION. 35 

Island, which secured from Frederick the 
Great the opinion that a great commander had 
appeared, and at Harlem Heights he won the 
first American victory of the Revolution, which 
gave that confidence to our raw recruits against 
the famous veterans of Europe which carried 
our army triumphantly through the war. Six 
years more of untold sufferings, of freezing and 
starving camps, of marches over the snow by 
bare-footed soldiers to heroic attack and splen- 
did victory, of despair with an unpaid army 
and of hope from the generous assistance of 
France, and peace had come and independence 
triumphed. 

MEMORIES OF THE PAST. 

As the last soldier of the invading enemy 
embarks, Washington at the head of the patriot 
host enters the city, receives the welcome and 
gratitude of its people, and in the tavern which 
faces us across the way, in silence more elo. 
quent than speech, and with tears which choke 
the words, he bids farewell forever to his com- 
panions in arms. Such were the crowding 
memories of the past suggested to Washington 
in I 789 by his approach to Nev/ York. But 



36 THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 

the future had none of the splendor of pre- 
cedent and brilliance of promise which have 
since attended the inauguration of our Presi- 
dents. 

An untried scheme, adopted mainly because 
its administration was to be confided to him, 
was to be put in practice. He knew he was to 
be met at every step of constitutional progress 
by factions temporarily hushed into unanimity 
by the terrific farce of the tidal wave which was 
bearing him to the President's seat, but fiercely 
hostile upon questions affecting every power 
of nationality and the existence of the federal 
government. 

Washington was never dramatic, but on 
great occasions he not only rose to the full 
ideal of the event, he became himself the event. 
One hundred years ago to-day the procession of 
foreign embassadors, of statesmen and generals, 
of civic societies and military companies, which 
escorted him, marched from Franklin square 
to Pearl street, through Pearl to Broad, and up 
Broad to this spot, but the people saw only 
Washington, As he stood upon the steps of 
the old Government building here the thought 
must have occurred to him that it was a cradle 



THE CENTENNIAL OKATION. 37 

of liberty, and as such giving a bright omen for 
the future. 

In these halls in 1735, in the trial of John 
Zenger, had been established for the first time 
in its history the liberty of the press. Here the 
New York Assembly, in 1 764, made the protest 
against the Stamp act and proposed the gen- 
eral conference, which was the bemnninof of 
the united colonial action. In this old State 
House in 1765 the Stamp Act Congress, the 
first and the father of American Congresses, 
assembled and presented to the English Govern- 
ment that vigorous protest which caused the 
repeal of the act and checked the first step 
toward the usurpation which lost the American 
Colonies to the British Empire. Within these 
walls the Congress of the Confederation had 
commissioned its embassadors abroad, and in 
ineffectual efforts at government had created 
the necessity for the concentration of federal au- 
thority, now to be consummated. 

WASHINGTON TAKING THE OATH. 

The first Consfress of the United States 
gathered in this ancient temple of liberty, 
greeted Washington and accompanied him to 



38 THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 

the balcony. The famous men visible about 
him were Chancellor Livingston, Vice-Presi- 
dent John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, Gov- 
ernor Clinton, Roger Sherman, Richard Henry 
Lee, General Knox, and Baron Steuben. But 
we believe that among the invincible host 
above him, at this supreme moment of the 
culmination in permanent triumph of the 
thousands of years of struggle for self-govern- 
ment, were the spirits of the soldiers of the 
I revolution who had died that their countrymen 
might enjoy this blessed day, and with them 
were the barons of Runymede and William the 
Silent, and Sydney and Russell, and Cromwell 
and Hampden, and the heroes and martyrs of 
liberty of every race and age. 
1 As he came forward the multitude in the 
\ streets, in the windows and on the roofs sent 
up such a rapturous shout that Washington 
sat down overcome with emotion. As he 
slowly rose and his tall and majestic form 
again appeared the people, deeply affected, in 
awed silence viewed the scene. The Chancel- 
lor solemnly read to him the oath of office and 
Washington, repeating, said : " I do solemnly 
swear that I will faithfully execute the office of 
President of the United States, and will, to 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 39 

the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and 
defend the Constitution of the United States." 
Then he reverently bent low and kissed the 
Bible, uttering v^ith profound emotion, '' So 
help me God." The Chancellor waived his 
robes and shouted: *' It is done; long live 
George Washington, President of the United 
States !" 

'* Long live George Washington, our first 
President !" was the answering cheer of the 
people, and from the belfries rang the bells, 
and from forts and ships thundered the cannon, 
echoing and repeating the cry with responding 
acclaim all over the land, " Long live George 
Washington, President of the United States !" 

The simple and imposing ceremony over, 
the inaugural read, the blessing of God prayer- 
fully petitioned in old St. Paul's, the festivities 
passed, and Washington stood alone. No one 
else could take the helm of State, and enthusi- 
ast and doubter alike trusted only him. The 
teachings and habits of the past had educated 
the people to faith in the independence of their 
States, and for the supreme authority of the 
new government there stood against the prece- 
dent of a century and the passions of the hour 
little besides the arguments of Hamilton, Madi-. 



40 THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 

son and Jay in the Federalist and the judg- 
ment of Washington. 



TRIUMPH OF THE REPUBLIC. 

With the first attempt to exercise national 
power began the duel to the death l)et\veen 
State sovereignty claiming the right to nullify 
federal laws or secede from the Union, and the 
power of the republic to command the re- 
sources of the country, to enforce its authority 
and protect its life. It was the beginning of 
the sixty years' war for the Constitution of the 
nation. It seared consciences, degraded poli- 
tics, destroyed parties, ruined statesmen, and 
retarded the advance and development of the 
country; it sacrificed hundreds of thousands of 
precious lives, and squandered thousands of 
millions of money ; it desolated the fairest por- 
tion of the land and carried mourning into 
every home North and South ; but it ended at 
Appomattox in the absolute triumph of the 
republic. 

Posterity owes to Washington's administra- 
tion the policy and measures, the force and di- 
\ rection which made possible this glorious re- 
\sult. In giving the organization of the De- 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 41 

partment of State and foreign relations to Jef- 
ferson, the Treasury to Hamilton and the Su- 
preme Court to Jay he selected for his Cabinet 
and called to his assistance the ablest and most 
eminent men of his time. Hamilton's marvel- 
ous versatility and genius designed the armory 
and the weapons for the promotion of national 
power and greatness, but Washington's steady 
support carried them through. 

Parties crystalized, and party passions were 
intense, debates were intemperate, and the 
Union openly threatened and secretly plotted 
against, as the firm pressure of this mighty per- 
sonality funded the debt and established credit, 
assumed the State debts incurred in the war of 
the Revolution and superseded the local by the 
national obligation, imposed duties upon im- 
ports and excise upon spirits and created rev- 
enue and resources, organized a national bank- 
ing system for public needs and private business 
and called out an army to put down by force of 
arms resistance to the federal laws imposing 
^unpopular taxes. 
/ Upon the plan marked out by the Con- 
stitution this great architect, with unfailing 
faith and unfaltering courage, builded the re- 
public. He gave to the government the prin- 



42 THE CEN1E^,^?^IAL ORATION. 

ciples of action and sources of power which 
carried it successfully through the wars with 
Great Britain in 1812 and Mexico in 1848, 
which enabled Jackson to defeat nullification, 
and recruited and equipped millions of men for 
Lincoln and justified and sustained his proc- 
lamation of emancipation. 

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 

The French revolution was the bloody reality 
of France and the niorhtmare of the civilized 
world. The tyranny of centuries culminated 
in frightful reprisals and reckless revenges. 
As parties rose to power and passed to the 
guillotine, the frenzy of the revolt against all 
authority reached every country, and captured 
the imaginations and enthusiasm of millions in 
every land, who believed that they saw that the 
madness of anarchy, the overturning of all in- 
stitutions, the confiscation and distribution of 
property, would end in a millennium for the 
] masses and the universal brotherhood of man. 

Enthusiasm for France, our late ally, and the 
terrible commercial and industrial distress oc- 
casioned by the failure of the government un- 
der the Articles of Confederation, aroused ar\ 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 43 

almost unanimous cry for the young republic, 
not yet sure of its own existence, to plunge into 
the vortex. The ablest and purest statesmen 
of the time bent to the storm, but Washington 
was unmoved. lie stood like the rock-ribbed 
coast of a continent between the surging billows 
of fanaticism and the child of his love. Order 
is Heaven's first law, and the mind of Wash- 
ington was order. 

The revolution defied God and derided the 
law. Washington devoutly reverenced the 
Deity and believed liberty impossible without 
law. He spoke to the sober judgment of the 
nation and made clear the danger. He saved 
the infant government from ruin, and expelled 
the French Minister who had appealed from 
him to the people. The whole land seeing 
safety only in his continuance in office, joined 
Jefferson in urging him to accept a second term. 
" North and South," pleaded the Secretary, 
*' will hang together while they have you to 
hang to." 

No man ever stood for so much to his coun- 
try and mankind as George Washington. 
Hamilton, Jefferson and Adams, Madison and 
Jay, each represented some of the elements 
vvhich formed the Union. Washin2;ton em.- 



/ 



44 THE CENTENNIAL OEATION. 

bodied them all. They fell at times under 
popular disapproval, were burned in effii^y, 
were stoned, but he with unerring judgment 
was always the leader of the people. Milton 
said of Cromwell that ''war made him great, 
peace greater." 

SUPERIORITY OF WASHINGTON'S CHARACTER. 

The superiority of Washington's character 
and genius were more conspicuous in the forma- 
tion of our government and in putting it on in- 
destructible foundations than in leadingf armies 
to victory and conquering the independence of 
his country. " The Union in any event " is 
the central thought of his farewell address, and 
all the years of his grand life w^ere devoted 
to its formation and preservation. He fought 
as a youth with Braddock and in the capture 
of Fort Du Quesne for the protection of the 
whole country. As commander in chief of the 
Continental army his commission was from the 
Congress of the United Colonies. He inspired 
the movement for the republic, was the president 
and dominant spirit of the convention which 
framed its Constitution and its President for 
eight years, and guided its course until satisfied 



fHE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 



45 



I 



that, moving safely along the broad highway of 
time, it would be surely ascending toward the 
first place among the nations of the world, the 
asylum of the oppressed, the home of the free. 
Do his countrymen exaggerate his virtues ? 
Listen to Guizot, the historian of civilization : 
'' Washington did the two greatest things which 
in politics it is permitted to man to attempt. 
He maintained by peace the independence of 
his country which he conquered by war. He 
founded a free government in the name of the 
principles of order and by re-establishing their 
sway." '/ 

ji^ear Lord Erskine, the most famous of En- 
glish advocates : " You are the only being for 
whom I have an awful reverence." Remember 
the tribute of Charles James Fox, the greatest 
Parliamentary orator who ever swayed the Brit- 
ish House of Commons : " Illustrious man, 
before whom all borrowed greatness sinks into 
insignificance." Contemplate the character of 
Lord Brougham, pre-eminent for two genera- 
tions in every department of human activity 
and thought, and then impress upon the memo- 
ries of your children his deliberate judgment : 
** Until time shall be no more will a test of the 
progress which our race has made in wisdom 





46 THE CENTENNIAL 6KATI0N. 

and virtue be derived from the veneration paid 
to the immortal name of Washington." 



HOW HE COMPARED WITH OTHER GENERALS. 

Chatham, who, with CHve, conquered an em- 
pire in the East, died broken-hearted at the loss 
of the empire in the West, by follies which even 
his power and eloquence could not prevent. 
Pitt saw the vast creations of his diplomacy 
shattered at Austerlitz, and fell murmuring : 
''My country! How I leave my countr)^" 
Napoleon caused a noble tribute to Washing- 
ton to be read at the head of his armies, but, 
unable to rise to Washington's greatness, wit- 
nessed the vast structure erected by conquest 
and cemented by blood, to minister to his own 
ambition and pride, crumble into fragments, 
and an exile and a prisoner he breathed his last 
babbling of battlefields and carnage. Washing- 
ton with his finger upon his pulse, felt the pres- 
ence of death, and calmly reviewing the past 
and forecasting the future, answered to the sum- 
mons of the grim messenger, '' It is well," and as 
his mighty soul ascended to God, the land was 
deluged with tears and the world united in his 
eulogy. Blot out from the page of history the 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 4'i' 

names of all the great actors of his time in the 
drama of nations, and preserve the name of 
Washington, and the century would be re- 
nowned. 

We stand to-day upon the dividing line be- 
tween the hrst and second centuries of constitu- 
tional Q^overnment. There are no clouds over- 
head and no convulsions under our feet. We 
reverently return thanks to Almighty God for 
the past, and with confident and hopeful prom- 
ise march upon sure ground toward the future. 
The simple facts of these hundred years para- 
lyze the imagination, and we contemplate the 
vast accumulations of the century with awe 
and pride. Our population has grown from 
4,000,000 to 65,000,000. Its center moving 
westward 500 miles since i 789 is eloquent with 
tne foundling of cities and the birth of States. 
New settlements, clearing the forests and sub- 
duing the prairies, and adding 4,000,000 to the 
few thousands of farms which were the support 
of Washington's republic, create one of the 
great graneries of the world and open exhaust- 
less reservoirs of national wealth. 



48 THE CENTENNIAL OEATION. 



GROWTH OF INDUSTRIES AND POPULATION. 

The infant industries which the first act of 
our first administration sought to encourage, 
now give remunerative employment to more 
people than inhabited the Republic at the be- 
ginning of Washington's Presidency. The 
grand total of their annual output of $7,000- 
000,000 in value places the United States first 
among the manufacturing countries of the earth. 
One half the total mileage of all the railroads 
and one quarter of all the telegraph lines of the 
world within our borders, testify to the volume, 
variety and value of an internal commerce 
which makes these States, if need be, independ- 
ent and self-supporting. These hundred years 
of development under favoring political condi- 
tions have brought the sum of our national 
wealth to a figure which has passed the results 
of a thousand years for the mother-land, herself 
otherwise the richest of modern empires. 

During this generation a civil war of un- 
equalled magnitude caused the expenditure and 
loss of $8,000,000,000 and killed 600,000 and 
permanently disabled over 1,000,000 young 
men, and yet the impetuous progress of the 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 49 

North and the marvellous industrial develop- 
ment of the new and free South have obliter- 
ated the evidences of destruction, and made 
the war a memory, and have stimulated pro- 
duction until our annual surplus nearly equals 
that of England, France, and Germany com- 
bined. 

The teeming millions of Asia till the patient 
soil and work the shuttle and loom as their 
fathers have done for ages. Modern Europe 
has felt the influence and received the benefit of 
the incalculable multiplication of force by in- 
ventive genius since the Napoleonic wars, and 
yet only 269 years after the little band of Pil- 
grims landed on Plymouth Rock our people, 
numbering less than one-fifteenth of the inhabi- 
tants of the globe, do one-third of its mining, 
one-fourth of its manufacturing, one-fifth of its 
agriculture, and own one-sixth of its wealth. 

DANGER AVERTED. 

This realism of material prosperity, surpass- 
ing the wildest creations of the romancers who 
have astonished and delighted mankind, would 
be full of danger for the present and menace 
for the future if the virtue, intelligence and in- 



50 THE CENTENKIAL 0SATI0I5". 

dependence of the people were not equal to the 
wise regulation of its uses and the stern preven- 
tion of its abuses. But following the growth 
and power of the great factors, whose aggrega- 
tion of capital made possible the tremendous 
pace of the settlement of our national domain, 
the building of our great cities and the open- 
ing of the lines of communication which have 
unified our country and created our resources, 
have come national and State legislation and 
supervision. 

Twenty millions, a vast majority of our people 
of intelligent age, acknowledging the authority 
of their several churches, 12,000,000 children 
in the common schools, 345 universities and 
colleges for the higher education of men and 
200 for women, 450 institutions of learning for 
science, law, medicine, and theology, are the de- 
spair of the scoffer and the demagogue and the 
lirm support of civilization and liberty. 

Steam and electricity have changed the com- 
merce not only, they have revolutionized also 
the governments of the world. They have 
given to the press its power and brought all 
races and nationalities into touch and sympathy. 
They have tested and are trying the strength of 
all systems to stand the strain and conform to 



n 



THE CENTENIJIAL ORATION. 61 

the conditions which follow the orerminatino: in- 
fluences of American democracy. At the time 
of the inauguration of Washington seven royal 
families ruled as many kingdoms in Italy, but 
six of them have seen their thrones overturned 
and their countries disappear from the map of 
Europe. 

Most of the kings, princes, dukes, and mar- 
graves of Germany who reigned despotically 
and sold their soldiers for foreign service have 
passed into history, and their heirs have nei- 
ther prerogatives nor domain. Spain has gone 
through many violent changes, and the perma- 
nency of her present government seems to de- 
pend upon the feeble life of an infant prince. 
France, our ancient friend, with repeated and 
bloody revolutions, has tried the government 
of Bourbon and convention, of directory and 
consulate, of empire and citizen king, of hered- 
itary sovereign and republic, of empire, and 
again republic. The Hapsburg and the Ho- 
henzollern, after convulsions which have 
rocked the foundations of their thrones, have 
been compelled to concede constitutions to 
their people and to divide with them the arbi- 
trary power wielded so autocratically and bril- 



52 THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 

liantly by Maria Theresa and Frederick the 
Great. 

The royal will of George III. could crowd 
the American Colonies into rebellion and wage 
war upon them until they were lost to his king- 
dom, but the authority of the Crown has de- 
volved upon Ministers who hold office subject 
to the approval of the representatives of the 
people, and the equal powers of the House of 
Lords have become vested in the Commons, 
leaving to the Peers only the shadow of their 
ancient privileges. 

FEW CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT. 

But to-day the American people, after all the 
dazzling developments of the century, are still 
happily living under the government of Wash- 
ington. The Constitution during all that 
period has been amended only upon the lines 
laid down in the original instrument, and in 
conformity with the recorded opinions of the 
fathers. The first orreat addition was the in- 
corporation of a bill of rights, and the last the 
imbedding into the Constitution of the immor- 
tal principle of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence — of the equality of all men before the 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 53 

law. No crisis has been too perilous for its 
powers, no evolution too rapid for its adapta- 
tion, and no expansion beyond its easy grasp 
and administration. It has assimilated diverse 
nationalities with warring traditions, customs, 
conditions, and languages, imbued them with 
its spirit, and won their passionate loyalty and 
love. 

The flower of the youth of the nations of 
continental Europe are conscripted from pro- 
ductive industries and drilling in camps. Vast 
armies stand in battle array along the frontiers, 
and a Kaiser's whim or a Minister's mistake 
may precipitate the most destructive war of 
modern times. Both monarchial and repub- 
lican governments are seeking safety in the 
repression and suppression of opposition and 
criticism. The volcanic forces of democratic 
aspiration and socialistic revolt are rapidly in- 
creasing, and threaten peace and security. We 
turn from these gathering storms to the Brit- 
ish isles and find their people in the throes of 
a political crisis involving the form and sub- 
stance of their government, and their states- 
men far from confident that the enfranchised 
and unprepared masses will wisely use their 
power. 



54 THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 



THE SUN OF OUR DESTINY STILL RISING. 

/ But for us no army exhausts our resources 
or consumes our youth. Our navy must needs 
increase in order that the protecting flag may 
follow the expanding commerce, which is to 
successfully compete in all the markets of the 
world. The sun of our destiny is still rising, 
and its rays illume vast territories as yet unoc- 
cupied and undeveloped, and which are to be 
the happy homes of millions of people. The 
questions which affect the powers of govern- 
ment and the expansion or limitation of the au- 
thority of the federal Constitution are so com- 
pletely settled and so unanimously approved 
that our political divisions produce only the 
healthy antagonism of parties which is neces- 
sary for the preservation of liberty. Our insti- 
tutions furnish the full equipment of shield and 
spear for the battles of freedom, and absolute 
protection against every danger which threat- 
ens the welfare of the people will always be 
found in the intelligence which appreciates 
their value, and the courage and morality with 
which their powers are exercised. The spirit 
of Washington fills the executive office. Pre^i- 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 55 

dents may not rise to the full measure of his 
greatness, but they must not fall below his 
standard of public duty and obligation. His 
life and character, conscientiously studied and 
thoroughly understood by coming generations, 
will be for them a liberal education for private 
life and public station, for citizenship and pa- 
triotism, for love and devotion to union and 
liberty. With their inspiring past and splendid 
present, the people of these United States, heirs 
of a hundred years, marvellously rich in all 
which adds to the glory and greatness of a na- 
tion, with an abiding trust in the stability and 
elasticity of their Constitution, and an abound- 
ing faith in themselves, hail the coming cen- 
tury with hope and joy. 

As Mr. Depew uttered the last word he 
bowed gracefully to the great and loudly cheer- 
ing audience and turned toward his seat. Ere 
he could reach it Senator Evarts seized his 
hand, and other friends joined in hearty con- 
gratulations. 



56 THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 



DISTINGUISHED GUESTS PRESENT. 

PROMINENT MEN WHO OCCUPIED THE RE- 
SERVED SEATS ON THE PLATFORM. 

The distinguished guests who occupied the 
reserved seats were as follows : 

President Harrison, 

Vice-President Morton, 

Archbishop Corrigan, 

Dr. R. S. Storrs, 

Clarence W. Bowen, 

Stuyvesant Fish, 

Elbridge T. Gerry, 

Ex-President Hayes, 

Ex-President Cleveland, 

Lieut.-Governor Jones, 

William Stevens Perry, Bishop of Iowa. 

Dr. Eliphalet Potter, 

Rev. W. A. Holbrook, 

Senator Evarts, 

Hamilton Fish, 

Mayor Grant, 



THE CENTEIST^IAL ORATION. 



57 



Members of the Supreme Court, save 

Judge Harlan. 
Members of the Cabinet, save Secretary 

Blaine. 
Senator Shernvian, 
General Sherman, 
Ex-Secretary Bayard, 
Ex-Vice-President Hamlin, 
Senator Hiscock. 
Governor D. B. Hill, 
Admiral Porter, 
Admiral Jouett, 

The following Governors of State also had 
seats of honor : 

William R. Merriam, Minnesota. 

Sylvester Pennoyer, Oregon. 

Miles C. Moore, "Washington Territory. 

W. B. Webb, District of Columbia. 

John A. Cooper, Colorado. 

Russell B. Harrison, special commissioner 

for S. T. Bauser of Montana. 
Walker, West Virginia. 
John M. Thayer, Nebraska. 
C. C. Luce, Michigan. 
David H. Francis, Missouri. 
WiUiam P. Dillingham, Vermont, 



06 THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 

Simon B. Buckner, Kentucky. 

E. E. Jackson, Maryland. 

John P. Richmond, South Carolina. 

B. T. Biggs, Delaware. 

James A. Beaver, Pennsylvania. 

Morgan G. Bulkeley, Connecticut. 

Oliver Ames, Massachusetts. 

Daniel Gould Fowle, North Carolina. 

Royal C. Taft, Rhode Island. 

Thomas Seay, Alabama. 

Edwin C. Burleigh, Maine. 

William Larrabee, Iowa. 

William D. Hoard, Wisconsin. 

J. B. Foraker, Ohio. 

Alvin P. Hovey, Indiana. 

C. H. Sawyer, New Hampshire. 
Fitzhugh Lee, Virginia. 
Robert S. Green, New Jersey. 
John B. Gordon, Georgia. 

Among other noted people observed on the 
platform, were the following : 

Flenry Dudley, 
William A. Pierrepont, 
J. J. O'Donohue, 
Edwards Pierrepont, 
Andrew Carnegie, 



THE CENTENNIAL OKATION. 59 

John Cochrane, 

John D. Crimmins, 

Major Edgar Sigismund Lasar. 

James E. Potter, 

Senator Haines, of Delaware, 

J. C. Carter, 

Ex-Collector E. A. Merritt, 

Ex-Speaker Lewis Barker, of Maine, 

O. P. Potter, 

Whitelaw Reid, 

J. L. N. Hunt, 

Ed. N. Tailer, 

Ed. N. Parris, 

A. C. Rand, 

Alexander Sullivan, of Chicago, 

Colonel William Thompson, of Chicago, 

John E. Gihbens, 

John B. Pyne, 

J. P. G. Foster, 

A. C. Bernheim, 

Mahlon Chance, 

Robert B. Porter, 

H. S. Marlor, 

Senator Hawley, 

Carl Schurz, 

Anthony Higgins, 

Ex-Superintendent Walling, 



60 THE CENTEJTNIiJi ORATION. 

Judge Benedict, 

George Wilson, 

Senator Cullom, of Illinois, 

Henry C. Bovven, 

D. O. Mills, 

Bishop Andrews, of the M. E. Church, 

President Eliot, of Harvard College, 

A. M. Scriba, 

General Isaac S. Catlin, of Brooklyn, 

G. C. Webb. 

Colonel Strange of North Carolina, 

A. F. Telfair, 

General J. D. Glenn, 

Colonel F. A. Olds, 

Colonel W. H. Williams, 

Colonel C. S. Bryan, 

Captain R. Percy Gray, 

Captain W. B. Grimes, 

Col. Franklin Fairbanks. 

General P. P. Pitkin, 

General L. G. Kingsley, 

Colonel H. J. Brookes, 

John Jacob Astor, 

Fred Douglass, 

Colonel Bourke Cockran, 

General John Watts Kearny, 

General R. W. Spencer, 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 61 

Colonel Rufus King, 
Colonel G. B. M. Harvey, 
Gen. Robert F. Stockton, 
Courtlandt Parker, 
Chancellor McGill, 
Dr. William Pancoast, 
Rev. James Corrigan, 
Father McDonald, 
Senator Allison, 
Minister Carter of Hawaii, 
Minister Varas of Chili, 
Charles Emory Smith, 
Ex-Senator M. E. Chandler, 
Walker Blaine, 
Congressman Chas. O'Neil. 

The following gentlemen had official charge 
of the exercises at the platform: 

Hamilton Fish, president ; Hugh J. Grant, 
chairman ; Elbridge T. Gerry, chairman Exec- 
utive Committee ; Clarence W. Bowen, Secre- 
tary. Platform Committee — Johnston Living- 
ston de Peyster, Chairman ; Robert R. Liv- 
ingston, W. E. D. Stokes, G. Creighton Webb, 
Nicholas Fish, Lispenard Stewart, William 
Pierson Hamilton, Charles H. Russell, Jr., 
Alfred R. Conkling, William Cary Sanger, 



62 'ruil CENTENNIAL ORATION. 

John Anthon, Gardiner Sherman, J. Lawrence 
Aspinvvall, Arthur De Windt, Lewis H. Liv- 
ingston, Charles W. Bleecker, Thomas Jeffer- 
son Coolridge, Jr., Brooks Adams, Clermont 
L. Clarkson ; Frank S. Witherbee, Secretary. 



THE VOW OF WASHINGTON. 

BY JOHN G. WHITTIER. 

The sword was sheatlied: in April's sun 
Lay green the fields by Freedom won; 
And severed sections, weary of debates, 
Joined hands at last and were United States. 

O City sitting by the Sea! 

How proud the day that dawned on thee, 
When the new era, long desired, began, 
And in its need the hour had found the man! 

One thought the cannon salvos spoke; 

The resonant bell-tower's vibrant stroke, 
The voiceful streets, the plaudit-echoing halls, 
And prayer and hymn born heavenward from St. 
Paul's! 

How felt the land in every part 
The strong throb of a nation's heart. 

As its great leader gave with reverent awe 

His pledge to Union, Liberty, and Law! 

That pledge the heavens above him heard, 
That vow the sleep of centuries stirred; 
In world-wide wonder listening peoples bent 
Their gaze on Freedom's great experiment. 



THE CENTENNIAL ORATION. 63 

Could it succeed ? Of honor sold 
And hopes deceived all history told. 
Above the wrecks that strewed the mournful past, 
v^/as the long dream of ages true at last ? 

Thank God! the people's clioice was just, 

The one man equal to his trust, 
Wise beyond lore, and without weakness good, 
Calm in the strength of flawless rectitude! 

His rule of justice, order, peace. 
Made possible the world's release; 
Taught prince and serf that power is but a trust, 
And rule, alone, which serves the ruled, is just; 

That Freedom generous is, but strong 
In hate of fraud and selfish wrong. 
Pretence that turns her holy truths to lies, 
And lawless license masking in her guise. 

Land of his love! with one glad voice 

Let thy great sisterhood rejoice; 
A century's suns o'er thee have risen and set, 
And, God be praised, we are one nation yet. 

And still, we trust, the years to be 

Shall prove his hope was destiny. 
Leaving our flag with all its added stars 
Unrent by faction and unstained by warsL 

Lo! where with patient toil he nursed 
And trained the new-set plant at first, 
The widening branches of a stately tree 
Stretch from the sunrise to the sunset sea. 



64 



THE CEl^TENNlAL OEATION. 



And in its broad and sheltering shade, 

Sitting with none to make afraid, 
Were we now silent, through each mighty limb, 
Tlie winds of heaven would sing the praise of him. 

Our first and best! — his ashes lie 

Beneath liis own Virginian sky. 
Forgive, forget, O true and just and brave. 
The storm that swept above thy sacred grave! 

For, ever in the awful strife 
And dark hours of the nation's life. 
Through the fierce tumult pierced his warning word, 
Their father's voice his erring children heard! 

The change for which he prayed and sought 
In that sharp agony was wrought; 
No partial interest draws its alien line 
'Twixt North and South, the cypress and the pine! 

One people now, all doubt beyond, 
His name shall be our Union bond; 
We lift our hands to Heaven, and here and now, 
Take on our lips the old centennial vow. 

For rule and trust must needs be ours; 

Chooser and chosen both are powers 
Equal in service as in rights; the claim 
Of Dutv rests on each and all the same. 

Then let the sovereign millions, where 
Our banner floats in sun and air. 
From the warm palm-lands to Alaska's cold, 
Repeat with us the pledge a century old! 



ARE YOU THIW KING ABOUT 
BUILDING A HOUSE? 







' If you are, you ought to buy the new book, £*aUiser\^ 
Aft:*irican Architecture^ or every man a complete builder, 
prepared by Palliser, Palliser & Co., the well known architects. 

There is not a Builder or any one intending" to Build or 
otherwise interested that can afford to be without it. It is a 
practical work and everybody buys it. The best, cheapest and 
most popular work ever issued on building. Nearly four hun- 
dred drawings. A $5 book in size and style, but we have .deter- 
mined to make it meet the popular demand, to suit the times, so 
that it can be easily reached by all. 

This book contains 104 pages 11 x 14 inches in size, and con- 
sists of large 9x12 plate pages giving plans, elevations, per- 
spective views, descriptions, owners' names, actual cost of con- 
struction, no guess ivorh, and instructions How to JBuild 
70 Cottages, Villas, Double Houses, Brick Block Houses, suitable 
for city suburbs, town and country, houses for the farm and 
workingmen's homes for all sections of the country, and costine: 
from $800 to $6,500 ; also Barns, Stables, School House, Town 
Hal], Churches, and other public baildings, together with speci- 
fications, form of contract, and a large amount of information on 
the erection of buildings, selection of site, employment of Archi- 
tects. It is worth $5.00 to any one, but I will send it in paper 
cover by mail postpaid on receipt of $1.00; bound in cloth, $2.00. 

Address all orders to J. S. OGILVIE, Publish EK, 
P. O. Box 2767. 57 Rose St., New York. 



OgilvJe's Pocket Manual and Universal 

ASSISTANT. 



WORTH 15? 



♦ CONTAINS 

One Million Useful Pacts and Figures. 
IT IS WORTH $5.00 BUT COSTS ONLY 25 CENTS. 

The times are peculiarly 
calculated to increase every 
person's desire to make and 
save money. New and im- 
proved management of busi- 
ness and financial affairs, 
and economy in daily expen- 
ses of all kinds, are the uni- 
versal study. And almost 
everyone has felt the need— 
the great find pressing need, 
sometimes— of a concise and 
throughly PRACTICAL hand 
book, calculated to aid him 
iu his plans of thrift and 
management. Especially is 
there a demand for a low- 
priced volume of this charac- 
ter, for the self -education of 
young men and young wo- 
men for the realities of life 
on the farm, and in the 
counting-room, the work- 
shop, and the household. 

To meet this great popu- 
lar want, this valuable work 
has been prepared. It, is a re- 
markable book. It contains 
a larger amount of valuable 
information on practical 
matters, in shape for ready use, than can be bought in any other form for 
$15.00, yet is sold at only 25 cents. It is invaluable to Every Fax-mer, 
Every Mechanic, Every Workman, Every Book-keeper, Every Tradesman, 
Every Machinist, Every Clerk, Every Investor, Every Land Owner, Every 
Housekeeper, Every Professional Man, Every Letter Writer, Every Patentee, 
Every Author, in fact no person who can read the English language should be 
without a copy of it. Bound in limp cloth, 25 cents $ heavy silk cloth, 
50 cents. 

Send 25 Cents at once for a sample copy and agents terms. 

It contains about 2.50 pages and is for sale by every newsdealer and book- 
seller in the United States, and on all trains, or it will be sent by mail, postpai'l. 
oia receipt of price, by 

J. S. OGILVIK, PUBLISHKR, 

p. O. Box 2767. 57 RM Str^. Kew Yoi-k. 




^t't 







*^. ".•«• <'V 



.0 ••••'♦ ^^ 

















• e 



i'-^ 






,%!« 



V.^, 



• *'^''^> 



,** ..•"-••' 



aJ- .♦ 



* '*P* .1 '^ 












"^ " ' • • * 




'■%. '.^'^T*' ,.0- 



o • ft 



n-- 



V • I * ^ 



>^- • • • « 



c*', * 1^ 









^0 , 







oO^ .o*^**^-b. >^ ..^'* 







4f * ^, 




^v, ^^ ^^_ , 




o ♦^ 






'oK 



o 



^ 



&^^ 



.^ tl-^^: 



Ml 



^ * *^ 



K^ 






^V 



.^' 









'31 » 



♦■ • 



t^^ 



^ 



^ 4 









> i 






D^ 

















V > 9 



.0^^ a^!l«- 







.o 



o ^ V^ * 



■vT^ . e.^ 



'^' ^^ oV 




• ' • / 






♦ ^> 




0* . 






